Kofi Annan ’s closing address at the ‘The Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation Conference: One Year Later’
Former Heads of State, Honourable Ministers, and dear friends,
During the past two days, we have deliberated extensively, and at times passionately, on what happened in the mediation process in Kenya in 2008.
We reviewed the strengths and weaknesses of the Kenya National Accord and the implementation of the agreements reached by the parties.
As I said in my opening remarks, we should recognize the fact that some progress has been made, but momentum has slowed.
Many speakers reminded us of the obstacles such as corruption, ethnicity and inequality which impede progress in achieving the goals enshrined in the Kenya National Accord. But our deliberations were not intended merely to recount the story of the mediation crisis.
We came to Geneva with the primary intention of drawing lessons that can be used in similar situations elsewhere in Africa and round the world. We would hope also that our proceedings here would inform all actors in Kenya of ideas and suggestions on the way forward.
As I had said in my opening remarks, Kenya is at a crossroads. We can neither prevaricate nor postpone full implementation of the reforms all sections of Kenyan society have agreed are necessary to move Kenya forward.
We have heard that:
One: the KNDR process was a positive example of rapid response to a crisis – it represented a “cease fire” allowing a restoration of calm for space to address the fundamental problems in Kenya. This space is shrinking and needs to be restored for the implementation to succeed.
Two: there was confidence in the mediation process, yet this mirrors, inversely, the overwhelming lack of confidence in the public institutions in Kenya as a cause of the crisis. The Accord is a platform to begin these reforms, but greater political will is needed to see this through.
Three: the issues of impunity and accountability were not dealt with as extensively as they could have been during the mediation – and this remains the key underlying issue constraining the implementation of the agreements today.
Four: the Coalition Government is perceived as neither implementing agreements, pursuing reforms nor prioritizing Kenyans’ basic needs – such as job creation, poverty reduction, food security and healthcare provision.
Five: one of Kenya’s greatest assets is the richness of civil society. Civil society in its broadest and most inclusive sense can and must create the momentum to restore a sense of common national purpose. This requires engagement with all sections of Kenyan society, including at the grass roots level. It means that their basic rights (freedom of association, freedom of assembly and freedom of speech) must be safeâ€guarded.
Six: the international community can continue to play an important, if limited, supporting role. International intervention undoubtedly saved many lives and has created a breathing space for political progress. But primary responsibility for moving forward must rest with Kenyans. And, finally, that the deteriorating economic situation, globally of course, absence of progress and growing cynicism regarding the motives of the ruling class, makes the need for a multiâ€stakeholder dialogue on the future of Kenya all the more urgent.
Now looking ahead, it is evident that a process of constitutional reform could provide a framework and basis for multiâ€stakeholder engagement on the future of Kenya.
The way this is done will be as important as the “product” †a new Constitution.
But such an exercise will not work if the political class prevents or undermines respect for existing Constitutional provision, including division of responsibilities and the independence of the judiciary, respect for human rights and the rule of law.
In addition, an immediate imperative must be to address the security situation – security sector reform, police reform and addressing the culture of impunity.
Reforming the judiciary and the penal system are equally urgent priorities.
Failure to take decisive action on these reforms will undermine the credibility of all other reform efforts and the search for eace.
Furthermore, reform of the electoral system is essential and urgent.
The reputation, capacity, integrity and competence of the Electoral Commission of Kenya must be restored; otherwise the next elections will be the occasion for renewed violence and ethnic discord rather than a means to legitimize authority.
It is not too late for Kenya’s political leadership to lead. Statesmanlike determination to work together to support, if not initiate, actions to implement the recommendations of the Waki and Kriegler Commissions and some of the ideas emerging from this consultation could have a dramatic, positive effect. But at a time when there is a growing skepticism about the behaviour and motives of the ruling elite, the window of opportunity is closing. Time is running out.
There is a need to move beyond criticisms and playing blame games. Every element of Kenyan society has a role to play in taking the country forward and Kenyans should take individual responsibility to contribute to this process.
You can be sure that the Panel remains ready to assist in every way and I have no doubt that the international community will continue to support you.
We all have multiple identities †one maybe Kikuyu, Luo or Kalenjin, minister, teacher, activist, lawyer or mother over 40 years but more importantly you are Kenyans.
You came here as Kenyans. You have spoken as Kenyans. As Kenyans determined to save your nation, to build your nation and to ensure that a democratic, stable and peaceful and prosperous society is established.
I urge you to focus on what unites you and what you have in common.
Go home and build on what you have started here in Geneva.
“It is not too late for Kenya’s political leadership to lead”
